We are a group of young climate leaders working together under the Climate Leadership Initiative with the collective aim of empowering young change makers from the world’s most vulnerable developing countries. Our work together has been funded by Heinrich Böll Stiftung Washington DC and Bread for the World. This blog is based on research into Indigenous, ancestral and local knowledge in the six vulnerable developing countries we represent. It is also informed by discussions with Paulette Blanchard and Tunga Bhadra Rai, both globally renowned experts on Indigenous perspectives of climate change. The role Indigenous, ancestral and local knowledge must play in climate action in order for us to address climate change at all scales and in all parts of the world. In this blog we will introduce Indigenous, ancestral and local knowledge, highlight our research findings and provide our insights on how we can ensure Indigenous, ancestral and local knowledge are elevated and drawn upon to scale up climate action at all levels.
Indigenous, ancestral and local knowledge has stood the test of time
Indigenous, ancestral and local knowledge have existed for tens of thousands of years. Much longer than western knowledges[1]underpinned by its values and worldviews. However, while Western science detaches humans, existence from nature, Indigenous science recognises the embedded reality of humans in nature. As a result of these worldviews and the value of nature, Indigenous people and local communities have protected more than 30 percent of the planet's resources[2], despite marginalization and climate impacts. Our research in Burkina Faso, Ethiopia, Jamaica, Rwanda and Timor-Leste demonstrates that Indigenous, ancestral and local place-based practices have stood the test of time. They continue to be practiced today because they work and have evolved with place. We also present the 7Rs framework developed by Indigenous expert, Paulette Blanchard, to guide non-Indigenous peoples to better understand both Indigenous Knowledge and the inequalities that exist between Indigenous and Western Knowledge. It also highlights the need and criteria to work equitably across disciplines, cultures and ways of knowing and doing.
Insights from six vulnerable developing countries
Recognising the need for Indigenous, ancestral and local knowledge, we each undertook research to better understand those knowledge in our communities and countries. We share our findings in this blog and provide insights into how this knowledge can and must be drawn upon more to improve the global effort to address climate change including adaptation and addressing loss and damage.
Insights from Burkina Faso by Adama Sonia Fatimata Bandé
The Bwaba community, which lives in the city of Bankuy (or the city of the forest) in the canton of Dédougou, is a group of 40 villages located along aloop of the Mouhoun river. The language and culture of the Bwaba community are called Bwamu. The major concern of the community has always been having enough land to carry out economic activities as they are essentially farmers. The environmental protection mechanisms that existed before colonialism had a spiritual basis. Indeed, the spirituality of the Bwaba is linked to nature in all its aspects.. In fact, the name of the divinity in the Bwamu language is “Gnilé” or “Dofini” or “Dombwè'”, which means nature. Therefore, nature is entitled to respect, as it has a sacred existence.
For this reason, the first sacred symbol of a Bwaba village is a sacred wood or forest. As wood is sacred, it is forbidden to cut or kill any trees. The sacred wood also contains the secrets of the community and served as a refuge for the community during wars because of its density. The name of the sacred wood is "Loba" which means "sacred and secret". The illustration of the sacred nature of this place is the fact that any living being who takes refuge in Loba has their life saved and so cannot be violated. Even the hunting dogs were trained not to destroy nature or anything within it. This is done in order to protect the biodiversity found there. In addition, there are specific species of plants fully protected by laws prohibiting cutting and burning of these species inscribed in inviolable customary law. The preservation mechanisms put in place to give these species a sacred and mystical character. Thus, these plant species were believed to contain the soul of the family and anyone who destroyed these plants was committing a crime as they were killing a family member.
There are also other species of plants that were believed to have mystical virtues. Such as a species of shrub similar to a wild guava tree called “Bonkignou”. The Bonkigno protects the environment and in order to protect it, it has been given a sacred character. Fruit trees such as the Néré were also said to be sacred and the fruit was only harvested when in extreme circumstances.
Traditional knowledge systems in Burkina Faso demonstrate that it is possible to co-construct and co-design improved traditional technical systems in order to strengthen resilience to climate change without disrupting the natural world. Based on this case study, a Change Project, with the involvement of elders could be developed and implemented to revive and better use traditional knowledge. Among the activities that could be carried out include increasing the number of protected forests and woods, scaling up the practice of agroforestry and using traditional techniques for securing the banks of the Mouhoun River. The practice of crop rotation and the variation of crops that promote soil restoration could also be scaled up.
Insights from Ethiopia by Yared Abera Dame
Geda is a traditional system of governance used by the Oromo people in Ethiopia developed from knowledge gained by communities through experience over generations. The system regulates the political, economic, social, and religious activities of the community, dealing with issues such as conflict resolution, reparation, and protecting women’s rights. It serves as a mechanism for enforcing moral conduct, building social cohesion, and expressing forms of the community‘s culture.
Through the Geda system, each community is organized into five classes, with one of these functioning as the ruling class consisting of a chairperson, officials, and an assembly. Each class progresses through a series of grades before it can function in authority with the leadership changing on a rotational basis every eight years. Class membership is open to men, whose fathers are already members, while women are consulted for decision-making related to protecting women’s rights. The classes are taught by oral historians covering history, laws, rituals, time reckoning, cosmology, myths, rules of conduct, and the function of the Geda system. Meetings and ceremonies take place under a sycamore (Odda) tree (considered the Gada symbol) while major clans have established Geda centers and ceremonial spaces according to their territory. Knowledge about the Geda system is transmitted to children both at home and at school.
The philosophy behind sitting under the Odda tree, which is a sacred meeting ground for many Oromo ceremonies, is like sitting under the protection of nature. When you are under nature you all are equal, and there is no discrimination based on color, place of birth or origin, culture, class, or religion. All are equal and all will speak the truth. Under the Geda center or system, all are equally served. Mainly activities like peaceful conflict resolution, defending territorial integrity, mediating between a husband and a wife, and credit and saving system are also happening there to support a family during an emergency. The elected community leader or Abba Geda (a leader of the community) and Hadha Sinqe (the wife of the leader) are meant to lead the community in a transparent way.
The Geda system shows how the community relates to nature and that it is possible to live in a community in which no one is discriminated against by gender, color, place of birth or origin, culture, class, or religion. The system is mainly based on the philosophical perspective of nature. The Geda system is the main pillar for natural resource management and ensures fair distribution of these resources within its broad institutional arrangements, beyond its social, cultural, and political role.
In the Geda system, God is the creator of all things, including natural resources and human beings. The Oromo people believe that God gave us laws of order and meant for a harmonious coexistence between human beings and the natural environment. In the Geda system cutting trees from the river banks and edges of bodies of water is not allowed. The Oromo community gathers under the Odda tree. The tree provides protection when there is rain or if it is very sunny. This experience of being protected by the Odda tree makes community members conscious of their environment and nature and encourages them to be very wise while using natural resources. Adopting the philosophy of the Oromo people and the harmonious way of living with nature and promoting equality of the Geda system could have a huge impact on addressing climate change.
Similar kinds of practices can be drawn from the Geda system and applied to other societies in other parts of the world, and indeed, globally to address loss and damage. Those who are contributing to the human-induced impacts of climate change have destroyed the environment and therefore should pay for the consequences through an obligation to pay for what they damaged within the environment. Ensuring that regulations are in place to prevent further damage to the environment through greenhouse gas emissions is critical. This can be done in a similar way that the Geda prohibits the cutting of trees from river banks and along water springs automatically to protect water supplies. The United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) and other international organisations could adopt the Geda system to address the larger social, economic, and regulatory frameworks that govern forests and forest lands.[3]
As we are looking for finance to help vulnerable countries, communities and people address loss and damage, the credit and saving system practiced within the Geda system is also a good example of saving for when loss and damage occurs. Under the Geda system, the community saves a small amount of money at their meetings or on dedicated dates, which might be every month or every two or three months. Then, when one family faces an emergency, the collected money will be provided to that family to recover from the emergency. The emergency might be due to health or losing property because of uncertainty, the passing or the family member or any other reason. This really contributes to the family‘s well being and helps them from falling into poverty and desperation. A similar global solidarity approach could be taken in financing loss and damage impacts and also in climate finance at the global level to support those who need it most. A fund could be created at the global level with contributions from all countries, but especially from those who have contributed the most to climate change. When disasters hit those affected would be provided with immediate finance.
Insights from Nepal by Prakriti Koirala
The Nepalese government recognized 59 Indigenous Nationalities (referred as “Indigenous peoples” hereafter) in 2002. According to the 2011 National Census, the total number of Indigenous peoples in Nepal is 9,267,870, accounting for 35.6 percent of the overall population. With over 92 mother tongues spoken by many Indigenous nationalities, Nepal is a country rich in cultural diversity. Because the majority of Nepal's Indigenous peoples still rely on forests for their livelihoods and have a symbiotic relationship with the forest and natural resources, sustainable forest and biodiversity management is critical for preserving their distinct identity and customary practices, as well as their ability to pass them down to future generations.
Nepal, unlike many other countries, has never been conquered by another country or empire, and it is South Asia's oldest autonomous sovereign republic. Indigenous Nepalese tribes have been environmental stewards for thousands of years, safeguarding their lands, respecting wildlife, and employing traditional wisdom passed down through generations. Indigenous peoples have strong connections to their ancestral lands, forests, and other natural resources. They rely on their ecology not only for their survival but also for their cultural and spiritual well-being. They have used their particular customs, customary laws, and practices for generations to maintain peace, prosperity, and unity within society, as well as to conserve, promote, and sustainably manage the lands, forests, rivers and other natural resources in their territory
There are many ways in which Indigenous, ancestral and local knowledge is supporting the response to climate change impacts in Nepal. In Kathmandu there are over 300 Hitis (stone spouts) and ponds that respond to climate change impacts by recharging groundwater and assisting in the fight against water scarcity. The promotion of local and Indigenous natural resources management knowledge, technologies, and practices open up possibilities for incorporating them into climate change adaptation strategies, particularly in terms of making the systems more resilient to support local livelihoods and food security in the face of increased climate change stress.
Because Indigenous peoples' traditional knowledge and cultural practices have a tight symbiotic relationship with nature, encouraging and maintaining them will help to ensure a more sustainable environment, livelihoods, and development. Adverse impacts on traditional livelihoods and their ecosystem will also mean loss of traditional knowledge, innovations and practices associated with these livelihoods and ecosystems.
Insights from Rwanda by Hyacinthe Niyitegeka
Pre-colonial history of Rwanda is passed on through oral traditions which remain today. King Gihanga Ngomijana established the ancient kingdom of Rwanda in 1081 A.D; he is known as the creator of dynasty and he reigned until 1114. He was the son of a blacksmith and woodwork expert called Kazi. According to oral historians, Rwanda began with the core of Gasabo, later, other hills were conquered and annexed by many kings of Rwanda kingdom but the expansionist period was mostly carried out by Mwami (king) Ruganzu I Bwimba, who began his reign in the last decade of the 15th century. Rwanda's original country, known as “the Rwanda of Gasabo”, was a small territorial entity located in the current district of Gasabo, along the valley of Lake Muhazi. Rwanda's kingdom was ruled by kings (abami) of the Abanyiginya clan, one of 15 Rwandese clans. This clan was key in the development of the kingdom of Rwanda.
Imana (God) was the absolute ruler of the universe for ancient Rwandans before colonization (i.e. before 1894). Even though there were no temples dedicated to Imana, Rwandese prayed to him and thanked him. They also named their children after God's attributes, such as Rurema (the creator), Ruhanga (one who gives life to something that never existed before), Iyakare (the alpha), and so on. The word Imana (God) refers to both the creator and the essence of life, as well as the fertility of land (earth) and humans. This fertility essence manifested itself in a variety of objects used to forecast favorable outcomes. However, the Imana concept discussed above is not the same as the one found in Christianity.
Their faith was concerned with the survival of ancestors after death. The latter were divided into two groups: benevolent ancestors and evil ancestors. The religion of “Guterekera” (appeasing the spirits of ancestors) was founded on the belief in life after death and the interrelationship of the living and the dead. Man and animals, according to this belief, are made up of a visible part, the body, and an invisible part, or “shadow.” When the body died, it became a carcass, and the shadow escaped from it. The shadow was mysteriously transformed into spirits (umuzimu). Because spirits could interfere with the living with both good and bad intentions, they were sometimes feared and inspired religions. At the family and clan levels, Rwandese practiced various ancestor rituals and spirits could be contacted after death. The religion that praised them was much larger than family and clan. The religion of “Kubanda'' was for Ryangombe, an ancestor who lived around 1510 and was well known in the Rwandan kingdom for performing various miracles. It was affirmed that the ruling class accepted his (Rwangombe's) religion as a tool to facilitate the dominance of culturally assimilated people (Narrator: Verdiana, 76 years).
The king was acknowledged as a kingdom priest who connected the spirits of ancestors with the divine world. Some things were also referred to as imana (god), such as the king, chance, divine science animals (bull calves, rams, chicks), talismans containing items obtained from sacred animals, diviners, some sacred trees such as erythrin trees that provide sanctuary to spirits or places of tradition for the ancestral founders of lineages, and places where objects of commemoration for religious functions were kept. People who are benevolent and generous are also referred to as “imana y'I Rwanda” (god of Rwanda).
The monarchy's fundamental law was contained in the Ubwiru (dynastic esoteric code) institution; which included specific rites such as meant to prevent real or imagined misfortunes such as granting fertility to soils, animals, and people, as well as annexing and conquering foreign territories. Religions from other countries came with German and Belgian colonization (Christianity and Islam). Those religions also have an impact on changes in people's living conditions, spirituality, and the way they think about and understand longevity, life, and the environment.
The ancient Rwandans had sacred trees that could not be cut down because sacrifices were made beneath them; these were Sycamore and erythrin trees that provided sanctuary to spirits or places of worship for the ancestral founders of lineages, as well as places where objects of commemoration for religious functions were organized. In any case, Rwandans were prohibited from cutting down trees (Mukamurenzi Mariya, ages 70). Ficus thonningi (umuvumu) is yet another tree with a long history in Rwanda. When there was a disaster or a lack of rain and it was desperately needed, or they wanted to go fight in the other territory and they needed to win, a group of people from the king, who were in charge of performing the rituals always performed the rituals under the Ficus thonningitree. As a result, they began to believe that the tree was God. These rituals were performed using animals such as the sheep or chicken but mostly they used a bull. Wet periods in ancient Rwandan kingdom aided forest growth and vegetation cover while also limiting erosion of calm water; heavy rains raised lake and river levels. Drought would sometimes devastate many forests, causing Rwandans to suffer, but it was not always intense. As a result, lakes and rivers water levels fell (Nikuze Odette, aged 66).
Rwandans in the ancient Rwandan kingdom used and wore environmentally friendly items and clothing. This is due to the fact that they valued nature because their lives depended on it. They knew they couldn't cut some trees because they were sacred, so they performed rituals under them and even worshiped some of them as gods. The use of traditional items prevented the use of environmentally hazardous objects. Because the soil was so fertile, there was no need to use artificial fertilizer, which degrades the soil. All of the narrators and storytellers agreed on one point: things have changed in the modern era, due to unprecedented patterns in rain distribution and drought. Modern practices are more concerned with mass production than traditional practices, which are more concerned with nature. Local knowledge is so strong that it provides insight into how humans interact with their natural surroundings. It provides empirical evidence for why we need capacity building on Indigenous knowledge so that more people can understand these knowledge, where they come from and how they must be drawn upon more. Understanding where we come from is critical in order to fight for what we want, and it can also help us build our strength. One of the major causes of climate change and other related issues is the separation of the natural system from daily life. There is a need to recognize and integrate indigenous and local knowledge in the various approaches to fight against climate change.
Insights from Jamaica by Dainalyn Swaby
My country Jamaica is situated in the English-speaking Caribbean just under 250 miles South of Cuba. My research is set in my home parish of St. Elizabeth, the third largest in the country nicknamed “the breadbasket” parish for its food producing prowess. The sole participant of the research was my father who was a reservoir of traditional knowledge from his lived experience. Through his perspectives he revealed Indigenous practices as the legacy of African ancestry, plantation structure, a form of cultural retention and overtime a valuable means of climate response. This non-European perspective demonstrated the centrality of nature to survival versus exploitation.
While the vulnerability of local communities has increased, so has knowledge of measures to reduce susceptibility through solutions developed over time through experiencing impacts of climate change. Frequent and intense rainfall due to climate change, result in significant soil erosion. In many farming communities, techniques have been employed to retain topsoil and also the nutrient content. Conservation methods include the use of trash barriers (organic waste) or live barriers such as cultivating pineapples or other suitable crops along the hill contours.This method of retention also reduces dependence on chemical fertilizers. Mainstreaming this practice generates additional environmental safeguards as surface run-off into rivers and other water bodies carries fewer pollutants. In more recent times, fish catches have been affected, contaminated by pollutants from farmlands.
Small-scale farmers have long been adapting to climate impacts. The application of organic mulch and cultural forms of micro-irrigation have proven highly advantageous in prolonged dry spells. These techniques have been modified into more sophisticated systems on larger commercial farms. Innovations to develop more robust climate responses are grounded in the traditional awareness in reducing vulnerabilities.
Local communities have long been reservoirs of Indigenous knowledge making them critical in responding to climate challenges. The enhanced participation of local and indigenous communities in responding to climate change must be a priority. Documenting, applying and traditional knowledge not only ensures the preservation of valuable information but effective utilization in the fight against climate change.
Insights from Timor-Leste by Justina Aurea da Costa Belo
The cultural belief of the people of Timor-Leste (Timorese) is largely based on animistic belief - the beliefs in the sky and its components, sea, earth and natural resources including their inhabitants. To local people in rural areas, Indigenous practices inherited by ancestors offer vital knowledge in terms of connecting with nature and making the best use of the surrounding natural resources.
The Indigenous and local practices still prevalent today include the building of traditional or sacred houses (Uma lisan/lulik) using natural materials such as palm and bamboo trees. These houses are owned by each clan in a Timorese community, headed by traditional elders (lia nain) to recognize and practice the traditions inherited from their ancestors. Another practice is conserving the environment through a customary law (Tara Bandu) widely practiced throughout the country with various kinds of rituals to be performed and different mandatory penalty rules and sanctions set, depending on the traditions of that particular region. This serves to protect nature from harm and ensures that ecosystems continue to thrive. The weaving of tais, traditional hand-woven fabrics worn during formal events, traditional weddings and rituals - is another Indigenous practice that continues today. Tais weaving represents local knowledge in clothing production, which is inherited from our ancestors. Each municipality has distinctive designs and motifs. There are also other traditional handmade goods from palm trees and coconut shells. These practices weave together respect for nature with culture which is indicative of the traditional way of life for Timorese people.
Indigenous knowledge is sustained by local Timorese in order to thrive, and now in many cases to survive, considering the current unprecedented global climate conditions. Current mitigation and adaptation efforts (using basic local knowledge) have been passed on verbally from generation to generation over the centuries. These measures involve practices or methodologies adopted by local Timorese people in conserving the environment and adapting to the changing of climate patterns in farming traditions. In Timor-Leste the local customary law “Tara Bandu” is also incorporated into the national policies in order to support the effort to conserve biodiversity. Additionally, local people regarded mother nature with esteem and high levels of respect. It is common practice and an observed protocol to greet nature when accessing wells or springs, mountains, land, sea and forest. This is done to ask for permission and show respect to the spiritual guardian (nain) when visiting for the first time.
After I learned about some of the existing ancestral knowledge and the relationship that my ancestors had with nature, I believe that the practices and traditions of local people deserve a bigger platform in high level discussions. This is essential - to connect the dots and learn from other countries from the way in which ancestral knowledge is used at the local and national level to scale up climate action. I believe that if others who lack knowledge regarding local and ancestral knowledge did similar exercises to dig-beneath-the-surface to find out more about them they would be similarly enlightened.
It is imperative for us all to reacquaint ourselves with our roots and uphold practices, traditions and relationships that our ancestors had with the environment that we live in – maybe only then we can find out more ways to protect our Mother Earth.
Reflections on our findings and what they mean for global climate action
Human societies have been adapting to environmental changes for tens of thousands of years. Yet, these Indigenous and ancestral practices have been overlooked. Our research shows the wisdom behind these practices. We learned a great deal from our guides, Indigenous scholars and experts, Paulette Blanchard and Tunga Bhadra Rai and draw on those insights here.
Remembering who we are: Reconnecting with nature
One of the key findings of our collective research is that our ancestors had a much closer relationship to their environment than many of us do today. The Geda system in Ethiopia and traditional systems in Ethiopia, Nepal, Rwanda and Timor-Leste made it unlawful to harm nature. Where this symbiotic relationship with and respect for nature still exists, ecosystems continue to thrive. Where it is broken, ecosystems and the human societies that depend on them are threatened. Our collective research shows that if we want to protect nature, we must reacquaint ourselves with Indigenous, ancestral and local knowledge of connecting with nature itself – the values they uphold and the traditions they advocate.
Integrating Indigenous, ancestral and local knowledges into everything we do
The Local Communities and Indigenous Peoples Platform was established in 2015 to strengthen the knowledge, technologies, practices and efforts of local communities and Indigenous peoples in addressing climate change and to provide a platform for sharing experiences and lessons learned and strengthening the engagement of local communities and Indigenous peoples in the UNFCCC process. Although this is essential, it is not enough. Indigenous, local and ancestral knowledge are not just for local communities and Indigenous peoples but for everyone. As such we receive guidance from these climate, environmental and human-nature relationship experts in the integration of these knowledge into policies and processes at all levels and provide opportunities for learning. We need more teachers of Indigenous, local and ancestral knowledge in our work on climate policy. As such, we expect to see Indigenous, local and ancestral knowledge elevated, profiled and drawn upon as the final two components of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change’s Six Assessment Report are released next year.
Using a framework informed by the 7Rs in our research
Traditional, ancestral and local knowledge have survived the test of time. They have informed adaptation strategies to environmental changes for centuries and millennia. In her research on Indigenous Knowledges Paulette Blanchard and her co-author and collaborator Michelle Montgomery developed a framework for Indigenous research that allows for and creates space to understand pervasive inequalities within Western Knowledge in particular western science[4]. They present the 7Rs as a framework which can be used with place-based Indigenous Knowledges to allow for non-Indigenous peoples to better understand both Indigenous Knowledges and the inequalities that exist between Indigenous and Western Knowledges and to work equitably across disciplines, cultures and ways of knowing and doing. The 7Rs include:
Respect: Respect the sovereignty (of both individuals, communities and nations), spirituality, place connectedness, histories, culture, protocols, language, land and gender fluidity. In research on Indigenous, ancestral and local knowledge, ensuring consent and cultivating trust are critical.
Relevance: There must be purpose and relevance to what is being studied and learned to people, to community, to the place, to the land, to next generations and to more than human beings.
Reciprocity: The research must create reciprocity and must appreciate and respond to the requests of individuals and the community and it should give back as it takes.
Responsibility: Researchers must be accountable and respectful and acknowledge their place as outsiders. Local communities and Indigenous peoples have the right to protect their own knowledge and that must be respected.
Relatedness: Research must acknowledge the connectedness of all beings of place and the relationships of reciprocity which exist between all entities within place. This includes recognizing that all things are interconnected and related (interdependence).
Relationships: Relationships between all beings require respect, understanding, nurturing and care. Relationships within place are interrelated and not limited to humans. Animals and plants have relationships of interdependence and reciprocity.
Redistribution: Once learned, information must be shared so that everyone in the community can access it, understand and implement it. Information must be presented in a format that is most appropriate for each audience and systems of knowledge exchange must allow the transmission of information across generations and between communities.
Our final thoughts
Understanding Indigenous, ancestral and local knowledge helps us understand where we come from; the root of who we are. We must collectively acknowledge and understand Indigenous, local and ancestral knowledge and why we need them and then we must work together to mobilize this knowledge to improve climate action on all fronts, at all levels and in all parts of the world. Healing the divide we’ve created between nature and ourselves is the only way we will meet the challenge of climate change.
[1] We have used the terms “Indigenous, ancestral and local knowledge” here to be inclusive. However we note that the term Indigenous Knowledges is used in academia including in a paper by Montgomery and Blanchard (2021) which can be found here. We use the term Western knowledge, a term also used by Montgomery and Blanchard (they use capital “K”), which includes western science.
[2] Benji Jones (2021). Indigenous people are the world’s biggest conservationists, but they rarely get credit for it.
[3] Brockhaus, M. (2021). The forest frontier in the Global South: Climate change policies and the promise of development and equity.
[4] Michelle Montgomery and Paulette Blanchard (2021). Testing Justice: New Ways to Address Environmental Inequalities.
